Chapter 2347 - 295: Disraelism (×) Hastingsism (√)

I can feel a destiny within me that I cannot refuse, I was born to accomplish something great.

——Benjamin Disraeli "Disraeli’s Letters Collection"

As a long-time supporter of the Whig Party, Eld, although not fond of Disraeli’s views, could not deny the opposing viewpoint in the current situation as a noble youth from an Irish Whig family.

Because it is clear to all that since the Parliamentary Reform Act of 1832 was passed, this party has changed its nature.

Eld shook his head, suppressing his anger, and said, "I used to think the Whig Party was inherently a party that loved freedom. But now it seems the Whig Party was never a party that loved freedom, they just happened to stand at the forefront of freedom for quite a while."

Disraeli leaned over to pull the lever, smiled slightly, and said, "Eld, I thought someone as smart as you would have figured this out earlier."

Unexpectedly, Eld, upon hearing Disraeli’s words, did not agree and instead defended himself, saying, "Benjamin, don’t misunderstand. My views are the same as Mr. Charles Dickens’. Although we are disappointed with the current stage of the Whig Party, it doesn’t mean we are willing to lower ourselves to become a Conservative Party member."

Disraeli paused his action with the lever, looked up at Eld, and said, "Eld, if I may be blunt, it is your kind of thinking that is the true illusion. A party is a structure, not a desire. Britain will either be governed by the Conservative Party or by the Whig Party. If you want to take a third path, the best scenario is sitting in the independent seat in the Lower House, growing musty. Dickens can remain neutral because his identity is different from ours. But you and I cannot, because we are part of this system."

Anyone familiar with British politics cannot deny Disraeli’s perspective, but it does not mean Mr. Eld Carter, the "sharpest" sword of the University of London, would submit to the "dominance" of Conservatism.

"Benjamin, the Whig Party may have decayed now, but the Conservative Party is decay itself. Are you really satisfied with the state of the Conservative Party? Are you willing to just muddle along with those old fossils in the House of Lords?"

Disraeli, holding the cue stick, gently tapped the end of the stick with his fingers, but before he could answer, Arthur, who was lighting a cigarette nearby, answered for him.

"You mean Benjamin? Of course he isn’t satisfied." Arthur took a puff of smoke and said, "How could someone satisfied with the state of the Conservative Party privately mock the party’s political manifesto, ’Tamworth Manifesto’? Although this might sound a bit strange, in my opinion, Benjamin is a political oddball in whom you can find both Radicalism and Toryism characteristics."

Though Arthur’s words sound a bit odd, friends who know Disraeli will realize upon slightly considering that Arthur is not speaking nonsense.

Toryism advocates for order and tradition, while Radicalism dreams of reform and change.

And Benjamin Disraeli possesses both characteristics, as he detests the outdated old system yet distrusts the superficial new system, both looking down on the stagnant old nobility and despising the reckless new democracy.

This point can be seen from the mission of the Conservative Party faction "Young England," led by Disraeli, who believes the feudal system is the most noble principle envisioned by wise men and practiced by patriots, as well as the grandest, most magnificent, and most benevolent system. Such an excellent feudal system, which happens to be declining in England, should be entirely blamed on the decay of the British traditional noble spirit and the shameless degradation of the nobility.

Although Young England strongly advocates improving the treatment of the lower class, seemingly agreeing with the Radical Liberal Party’s position.

In fact, although the goals pursued by the two are the same, their starting points are entirely different.

Young England demands better treatment for the lower classes not from ideas of social justice and egalitarianism, but from the paternalistic behavior of traditional aristocracy, wherein the noble class has the obligation and more so the responsibility to improve the living conditions of the people under their rule, to establish the ideal stable and harmonious class system.

As a result, although Young England will join forces with the Radical Liberal Party on many social issues, the two groups are fundamentally different, and they are not intimate allies in the same trench.

Just as Mr. Disraeli said in his debate in the Lower House, his view is: "Britain is and will always be a country with clear class distinctions."

Such remarks by Disraeli would naturally win collective applause from the High Tories, but what they don’t know is that Disraeli didn’t finish his thoughts, which is: "To ensure the class system remains in Britain forever, any decaying nobility that may endanger social stability and abandon the noble spirit must be thoroughly cleaned out."

For this reason, although Disraeli says he has long forgotten the program from his speech at Hyde Park, Arthur has never believed so.

Because from the current situation, Disraeli has not changed his political stance but has become smarter.

His political stance is still: "As a Conservative, I want to preserve all goodness within the constitution. As a Radical, I want to eliminate all malpractices within it. I strive to protect property and respect order, but property ownership should accompany the fulfillment of responsibility, as it is the essence for ensuring good governance in society."