Chapter 1970 - 1435: Legal Loophole

As Song Heping left the "Desert Eagle" Special Forces camp and returned to Baghdad with Safar, Robbin was already standing in front of the floor-to-ceiling window for nearly ten minutes on the top floor of a six-story building near the Buckda Republic Palace.

The single malt Scotch whiskey in his hand, amber liquid slightly swaying in the sunlight, the ice cubes had long melted away.

He is the operations manager of the AAFES Company's branch stationed in Illiguo.

This title sounds ordinary, but insiders know that AAFES's business in the war zone has long surpassed selling toothpaste and beer to US military personnel.

In the power vacuum following the end of the Iraq War, this military-background "service company" effectively controls a massive network ranging from military materials supply, arms trade, and transportation, to infrastructure construction, with annual revenue exceeding USD 80 billion.

Don't be fooled by companies like Black Water, Sparta, and KBR that take security and training orders and have large numbers of mercenary employees. In terms of profit, no one can match AAFES Company.

This is also why Robbin can become a leader in the Illigio Defense Circle, partly because of his personality and methods, and partly due to the reputation of AAFES, a century-old military defense group.

Robbin looked down at the street below.

A convoy of black armored SUVs escorted diplomats to the embassy; contractors in khaki vests walked in groups to the cafeteria; Illigio government staff passed layers of checkpoints, their faces showing fatigue and caution.

All of this happened silently, like a well-rehearsed pantomime.

"He's maintained this posture for too long."

Lemont thought while sitting behind his desk.

As the head of the Central Intelligence Agency's intelligence station in Baghdad, Lemont was supposed to be one of the most powerful individuals in the building.

Yet, in front of Robbin, he had to be courteous.

This delicate relationship stems from reality.

In Illigo, intelligence requires logistical support, while logistics relies on intelligence assurance.

The CIA's intelligence network covers the entire Middle East, but their agents need safe accommodations, reliable transportation, and untraceable communication equipment—all reliant on the AAFES supply chain.

Conversely, AAFES's commercial projects rely on the CIA's risk assessments and network connections.

This symbiotic relationship turns Robbin and Lemont into a sort of cooperative partnership, or more accurately, allies using each other as tools.

Lemont knows Robbin too well.

This suit-and-tie man appears more like a banker from Wall Street than a strategist managing a military supply chain in a war zone. But when Robbin is as unusually quiet as now, it typically means he's crafting a complex and dangerous plan in his mind.

"Safar Al-Rahim."

Robbin finally turned around and spoke.

"Defense Minister Rashed's nephew, Commander of the 'Desert Eagle' Special Camp. Is the family background clear?"

Lemont opened the briefing in his hand.

"Completely clear."

Lemont spread the briefing open.

"Safar Al-Rahim, thirty-two years old, born in Northern Illigo city of Mosul. A military family in Illigo, grandfather was a Republican Guard Major General, father Jamal Al-Rahim served as Director of Operations of the Army Staff in the previous regime."

He paused, observing Robbin's reaction.

But Robbin just nodded slightly, his gaze still fixed outside the window.

"After the regime change in 2003, the family faced some impact but remained resilient."

Lemont continued: "Jamal cleverly retained key connections and in 2008 helped his cousin, the current Defense Minister Abdul Rashed, return to politics. As a reward, Minister Rashed sees Safar as his own, sending him to the Jordan Royal Military Academy for training."

"What is his political stance?" Robbin asked.

"Pragmatic." Lemont took the tablet and pulled up a file: "Neither pro-Persia nor entirely leaning towards us. He publicly criticized the corruption of the previous government but also expressed dissatisfaction with the misconduct during the US military occupation. His core demand is to rebuild the professionalism of Illigo's military, particularly the special operations capabilities. According to psychological profiling, he prioritizes honor and troop combat effectiveness above personal wealth, which is quite rare among Illigo officers."

Robbin finally turned around, slowly walking towards the conference table.

His footsteps were silent, like a cat moving through the jungle.

"How is the weaponry situation in his camp?" Robbin continued to ask.

"Extremely scarce." Lemont switched to the next report: "'Desert Eagle' Camp originally had an organization of 400, theoretically should be equipped with a full set of US-style special operations gear. In reality, they received less than a third of the allocations. Last week, during the Ministry of Defense logistics meeting, Safar stormed into the conference room, publicly accusing Deputy Director Hashimi of logistics of 'systematically cutting special forces equipment,' the two almost came to blows in the conference room."

A barely perceptible smile flashed across Robbin's lips: "An idealistic young officer, a Defense Minister in urgent need of political support, plus an East University arms dealer eager to clear inventory. This script seems tailored for them."

Lemont continued to report: "Song Heping arrived at the 'Desert Eagle' camp outside Mosul this morning. Our drone surveillance detected that his convoy included three heavy-duty trucks, unloading three military containers. Judging by the size and handling, they should contain light weapons, night vision equipment, and individual communication devices."