Chapter 378 - 23: Nobody Can Refuse the West German Mark

Chapter 378: Chapter 23: Nobody Can Refuse the West German Mark

4:00 PM.

Werner sat on the sofa, watching the live broadcast on television.

Every channel was reporting the news of the Stasi Headquarters being occupied.

"...Protesters have taken complete control of the building, and a large number of files are being carried out. A spokesperson for the New Forum announced that they will establish an independent investigation committee to thoroughly investigate the crimes of the Stasi..."

On the screen, young people emerged from the building carrying bundles of documents, handing them over to pro-democracy activists waiting outside. Some people were rummaging through the files on the spot. Every time they found something shocking, they would shout at the camera:

"Someone here was monitored for twenty years!"

"Here’s a sixteen-year-old who was recruited as an informant!"

"This one documents a family that was persecuted for listening to West German radio!"

The crowd roared in anger. Some were crying, others were cursing.

Werner watched it all, his expression blank.

*************

On the same day, in Bonn, West Germany, at the Prime Minister’s Office.

Helmut Kohl sat behind his desk, several reports laid out before him.

One was an assessment of the situation in East Germany from the Federal Intelligence Agency (BND): "The regime’s collapse is now irreversible. We recommend accelerating the unification process."

Another was an estimate from the Ministry of Finance on the cost of unification: "A preliminary estimate indicates that in the first five years after unification, West Germany will need to invest at least 500 billion Marks."

The last one was a summary from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs regarding international reactions: "France and the United Kingdom remain opposed to unification, but the United States has expressed its support. The Soviet Union’s attitude is key."

Kohl put down the report and looked at Foreign Minister Genscher, who sat opposite him. "Any news from Gorbachev?"

"Yes," Genscher said. "He agrees to German unification, but with conditions."

"What conditions?"

"First, a unified Germany cannot possess nuclear weapons. Second, NATO cannot expand into former East German territory. Third, West Germany must pay the Soviet Union for the cost of withdrawing the Soviet Army."

Kohl pondered for a moment. "We can accept the first and second conditions. The third one, how much money?"

"They’re asking for 15 billion Marks."

"That’s too much." Kohl shook his head. "10 billion at most, paid over five years."

"I’ll go negotiate," Genscher said. "But, Chancellor, we have to move fast. East Germany is collapsing at an astonishing rate. The Stasi Headquarters was occupied today; tomorrow it could be the government buildings. If we don’t stabilize the situation soon, East Germany will fall into anarchy."

"I know." Kohl stood up and walked to the window, gazing out at the Rhine River. "Genscher, I’m preparing to implement the currency union ahead of schedule."

"The currency union?" Genscher was stunned. "But we haven’t even finished negotiations—"

"There’s no time." Kohl turned around. "The East German Mark is collapsing. If we don’t get West German Marks into the hands of the East Germans soon, they’ll keep flooding into West Germany. By then, East Germany will be truly empty."

"But Chancellor, the cost of a currency union—"

"I know the cost is high. But if we don’t do this, the cost will be even higher. Anarchy, social unrest, a refugee crisis—all of these will exact a much greater price."

Genscher fell silent. After a long moment, he asked, "When do you plan to implement it?"

"March," Kohl said. "By March at the latest, we need to sign a currency union agreement with East Germany. In July, the East German Mark will be officially withdrawn from circulation, and the West German Mark will be used exclusively."

"That soon?"

"We must be fast," Kohl said. "History has not left us much time."

*************

January 20th, Saturday, 10:00 AM.

Werner received a phone call.

"Mr. Betelich? This is Thomas Borg, from the provisional government’s economic reform team." The voice on the other end was familiar. "We’ve met before."

"I remember, Mr. Borg," Werner said.

"Here’s the situation, Mr. Betelich," Borg said. "The East German Government and the opposition are holding a round table meeting to discuss the transition to democracy. We need some economic experts to participate and offer advice for the meeting."

"You have the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Economics—"

"I know, but they’re all people from the old regime. They lack public credibility," Borg said. "We need some... more neutral people. Like you."

Werner raised an eyebrow. "Me? Neutral?"

"Yes," Borg said. "I’ve read the Koko report you submitted, and I’ve also heard about those files concerning you that people found in the Stasi archives. Mr. Betelich, you are one of the few people who worked under the old regime but still maintained a conscience."

"You flatter me."

"No, it’s the truth," Borg said. "Besides, your understanding of the East German economy is deeper than anyone’s. We need your experience."

Werner was silent for a few seconds. "Mr. Borg, I’m just a businessman, not a politician."

"We don’t need politicians; we need pragmatists," Borg said. "Mr. Betelich, this is a rare opportunity. You can participate in shaping the economic policy of the New Germany, and you can use your experience to help the people of East Germany."

Werner looked out the window, the corners of his mouth turning up slightly. "Alright, I accept. However, I will only attend as an independent economic expert and will not represent any organization. I will speak on economic issues, but I will not participate in political discussions."

"Perfectly acceptable," Borg said. "The first meeting is on January 22nd, at two in the afternoon, in the former parliament building."

"I’ll be there on time."

After hanging up, Werner lit a cigarette and leaned back in his chair.

The Round Table.

It was the first time in the history of East Germany that the government and the opposition sat together to discuss the nation’s future as equals.

And he, Werner Betelich, would be sitting at that table as an "independent economic expert," advising on the economic policy of the New Germany.

This wasn’t power, but it was more valuable than power.

This was influence.

This was a chance to whitewash his past.

This was his ticket into the new era.

***********

January 22nd, Monday, 2:00 PM.

East Berlin, former parliament building, the Round Table conference hall.

Werner walked into the conference hall and saw a huge round table surrounded by about forty people.

On the left were the representatives of the provisional government: Prime Minister Modro, several ministers, and the SED reformists.

On the right were the opposition representatives: the New Forum, Democratic Awakening, the Social Democratic Party, and the Christian Democratic Union.

In the middle sat representatives from the Church, intellectuals, and independent experts.

Werner was seated in the independent expert section, between an economics professor and a lawyer.

"Everyone." Modro stood up and knocked on the table. "Welcome to the first Round Table meeting. Today, we are gathered here not to argue, but to cooperate. East Germany is at a critical juncture, and we must unite to face the challenges ahead."

A smattering of applause rose from the attendees.

"First, I would like to introduce today’s agenda." Modro picked up a document. "First item: discussing how to dissolve the Stasi. Second item: discussing how to hold free elections. Third item: discussing the economic reform plan."

A representative from the New Forum raised his hand. "Mr. Modro, I’d like to ask a question first."

"Please, go ahead."

"It’s about the Stasi files," the representative said. "After we occupied the headquarters, we discovered that a large number of files had already been destroyed. We demand that the government release all remaining files and hold those responsible accountable."

"This is a matter we will consider seriously," Modro said.

"Not consider, you must!" another opposition representative stood up. "The Stasi monitored millions of East Germans and destroyed countless families. If we don’t release the files, how can we give the people an answer?"

A wave of agreement echoed through the conference hall.

Modro’s expression turned ugly. "I understand everyone’s anger, but releasing the files is a complex issue. It involves privacy, national security—"

"National security?" a young man interrupted him. "What nation? East Germany? East Germany is almost gone, so what national security are you talking about?"

The conference hall erupted in a mix of laughter and jeers.

Modro took a deep breath. Just as he was about to speak, Werner raised his hand.

"Mr. Betelich?" Modro looked at him.

Werner stood up. "Everyone, I would like to say a few words."