I Don’t Need Nazis In My Germany
Chapter 226
< World War II - The Awakening of a Giant (12) >
November 14, 1941
Berlin, Capital of Germany
After a long and complicated process of coordination, the negotiations with the United States came to a close.
Taft couldn't hide his bewilderment when Germany acted as if it needed neither the Shermans nor the ultimatum against Japan.
From their perspective, they had brought an offer for tanks comparable to our new model Panzer IV—with even greater potential for expansion—and an ultimatum against Japan. They must have thought we’d come to them with our hats in our hands.
Unfortunately for them, their latest tank was a model we were already preparing to phase out. And setting aside the fact that Japan would reject the ultimatum anyway, the moment we abandon a member of the Allied Powers for America’s help, any German-led order would go down the drain.
Britain and the Netherlands did agree to accept the Sherman Lend-Lease, but Poland and Ukraine, who were already receiving a German version of Lend-Lease, had no money and no intention of complicating their supply systems by accepting Shermans.
In the end, since the biggest customers on the Eastern Front weren't buying, Taft and the Republican Party, who had been pushed by public opinion to support Free Russia in hopes of a war boom, had only managed to stir up trouble for themselves.
“On behalf of the United States of America, it is an honor to formally sign this agreement.”“Hahaha, on behalf of Germany, I too am pleased to be able to sign this agreement.”
Contrary to his words, Taft's expression didn't look very pleased, while in contrast, Mr. Heuss smiled gently.
Watching the scene of Taft and Mr. Heuss signing the agreement document and shaking hands, I felt a surge of pride.
The hardship I had to endure to steer America's proposal—a strong-arm sale disguised as support—to this conclusion…
Coordinating among the Allied Powers, negotiating with the United States, persuading the military and Parliament.
For ten days since the first talks with America, I had worked so frantically as Minister of Defense that I barely had time to breathe.
“You’ve worked hard, Secretary Taft.”
When I offered a handshake, Taft accepted it with a very sour face.
“…You’ve also worked hard, Minister of Defense.”
When we told them the Eastern Front didn't need the Sherman Lend-Lease and that we didn't need an ultimatum against Japan, and to just send more volunteer soldiers instead, it was America that was put in a difficult position.
There was a reason America had only offered 200,000 volunteer soldiers at first.
It seemed obvious that the US Army wasn't prepared for a force larger than that.
They had been happily pursuing arms reduction during the Great Depression and the interwar period. And thanks to FDR, who would have seriously pushed for rearmament, losing the election, the Republican-led America seemed lukewarm about rearmament…
After getting sucker-punched by Trotsky and hearing people say this wouldn't have happened under FDR, the Republican Party must have been indulging in some wishful thinking, believing that if they just handed over some equipment to Free Russia and the Allied Powers, those countries would bleed themselves to destroy the Soviet Union and rescue them from their political crisis.
Come to think of it, even during Operation Barbarossa in the original history, America's so-called military experts had a strong tendency to underestimate the Soviet Union. After seeing the German Army's advance in Operation Barbarossa, America believed the Soviet Union's collapse was imminent.
“Then I'll expect the advance party of volunteer soldiers to arrive by February.”
“…Of course.”
In the end, America agreed to dispatch an advance party of 200,000 by February of next year, with an additional 300,000 volunteer soldiers to be sent in the first half of the year.
When I prodded them a bit, asking if they could be of any help arriving so late with so few troops, Taft offered to implement the blockade of the Philippine waters as planned.
We gave them a piece of our mind, questioning why they were stating the obvious, and in the end, we secured an exception for the Allied Powers from the naval blockade and unofficially obtained berthing rights for our submarines in the Philippines.
Admiral Dönitz, who is out in India, will be delighted.
This also more or less satisfied Churchill and de Geer, who had been displeased by Germany's rejection of America's ultimatum.
Although they are all currently occupied by Japan, Britain and the Netherlands, who have many colonies near the Philippines, must have been uncomfortable with the possibility that America's naval blockade might quietly apply to them as well.
Since they were the ones in need of America's help, it was an awkward issue for them to raise. Germany, which wasn't in a desperate position, scratched that itch for them.
As Taft stepped back with a sour look after shaking my hand, a man with glasses and an even sourer expression approached me.
“Ah, I look forward to working with you, Chairman.”
“…Minister of Defense.”
As Free Russia was formally recognized by the Allied Forces, Andrey Vlasov, the self-proclaimed Chairman of the Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia, did not hide his displeasure.
For a man burning with the dream of overthrowing the Soviet Union with a giant sponsor like America at his back, the current situation was anything but welcome.
When America said they couldn't even provide the 500,000 volunteer soldiers we demanded right away, we decided to hand over the already occupied Bryansk and Roslavl to Free Russia and only guarantee the occupation up to Smolensk.
“…We will fight with all our might. I hope the Allied Powers won't go back on their word later.”
“Haha, of course, it can be adjusted depending on the great performance of the Free Russian Army and the US Army, so don't worry too much. The part specified in the treaty is merely a ‘guarantee’.”
The rest was decided to be discussed later, depending on the performance of Free Russia and the US Army.
Vlasov thought America was a grand sponsor that could even boss around the Allied Powers, but it turned out they didn't have much to offer us.
So what?
From America's perspective, this wasn't the deal they wanted, but we are still their ally against the Soviet Union and Japan, and we formally recognized Free Russia.
We handed over the territory we occupied, small as it was, guaranteed additional territory, and left room for them to gain even more depending on the performance of Free Russia and the United States.
It was unlikely to satisfy the Americans, but they were the ones who showed up late trying to get a piece of the pie and didn't have much to offer.
If we had openly rejected them, it would have been our problem, but by treading the fine line where they would just look pathetic if they complained, they had nothing to say.
There seems to be some talk behind my back about how I, the symbol of German freedom, am being too harsh on Russia's freedom fighters, but who cares.
I have no intention of spilling people's blood just to preserve my image as a great symbol of freedom.
If they want to bleed for grand justifications like a 'just war' or a 'crusade of freedom,' they can go bleed themselves.
No matter what fancy words you use or how you package it as a noble sacrifice, a person who returns to a normal daily routine is far better than a heroic corpse rotting in a foreign land.
Rather than that…
While others were standing and shaking hands, I approached FDR, who was sitting quietly in his seat watching the scene, bent my knee, and offered a handshake.
“Thank you for all your hard work coming all the way to Germany, Mr.
former President.”
“Haha.
You’ve worked hard as well, Minister of Defense. It was an impressive negotiation.”
Roosevelt smiled and accepted my handshake.
These negotiations, which could have collapsed at the slightest misstep, ended in success instead of breakdown.
I'm sure the influence of President Willkie and Roosevelt, who wanted to maintain good relations with Germany, played a role.
“I’m grateful to you for many reasons.”
Hearing my words, Roosevelt smiled warmly.
“I came to visit you in Germany this time, so I hope I’ll be able to see you in America someday.”
I smiled as I replied to him.
“If the opportunity arises, I most certainly will.
I'll bring my wife with me then.”
“Hahaha, I’ll look forward to it.”
The negotiations, where the Allied Powers were almost played for suckers, were somehow brought to a successful conclusion.
America, which had been a bystander to the Great War in peaceful isolation, had finally risen to its feet.
Slowly but surely, it would begin to get entangled in this war.
I’m very curious to see how the Soviet Union and the Empire of Japan will react.
-
After finishing a final lunch with the attendees of the talks, the first place I visited upon my return was Claudia's office.
“Vice-Chancellor— ah.”
She was fast asleep, leaning back in the chair at her office desk.
I quietly approached her.
Her belly, now entering the seventh month of pregnancy, was rising and falling faintly.
While I was busy running around for these talks as the Minister of Defense and a leader of the Allied high command, I could barely do any of my work as the Minister of Propaganda.
And the work that piled up was flawlessly handled by Claudia.
They say the detailed practical work is done by the vice-chancellor rather than the chancellor, but even if she did it voluntarily, I couldn't hide my feelings of apology.
I carefully took off my jacket and draped it over her, then found myself watching her, losing all track of time.
After some time had passed, she slowly opened her eyes.
Light slowly filled her unfocused, hazy blue eyes, and upon seeing me, she blinked slowly.
I couldn't take my eyes off the warmth that filled them and the natural smile that spread across her lips.
“You worked hard, Minister.”
For a moment, I thought about saying I was sorry, but I changed my mind.
That wouldn't be what she wanted to hear.
“It was only possible thanks to the Vice-Chancellor.
You worked hard. …Thank you so much, Claudia.”
Hearing my reply, Claudia gave me a radiant smile.
-
November 17, 1941
Washington D.
C., Capital of America
US Army Chief of Staff George C.
Marshall was busy with paperwork in his office.
Marshall wasn't the type to read too much into every single word a politician said, but even he almost cursed when the Republican Party suddenly told him to scrap the Sherman Lend-Lease plan and prepare 500,000 volunteer soldiers.
The decision to prepare 200,000 by February and the remaining 300,000 by the first half of the year was the result of Marshall's hard-fought battle, after arguing at length that gathering 500,000 at once was absolutely impossible.
“Damn politicians.
They think the military is a group that just has to do whatever it’s told.”
Marshall muttered to himself as he irritably signed a document, then let out a deep sigh.
Then again, it was a group that had to do what it was told.
Marshall was a grand strategist and a man who understood politics, on a different level from the typical soldier.
He well understood why the government was trying to sponsor an ambiguous faction like Free Russia.
When there is domestic turmoil and the government's prestige is tarnished, the best method is to divert attention externally.
And for that very reason, Marshall found it interesting how Germany had derailed these talks and steered them in a direction favorable to themselves.
“Dietrich Schacht…”
Marshall’s brow furrowed slightly as he looked at the report.
A revolutionary, soldier, diplomat, and politician who had suddenly appeared in Germany—a country that had fought like a war machine since the Great War but was at a third-rate level in grand strategy.
The conclusion America reached after its internal investigation of Dietrich Schacht boiled down to one thing: ‘Germany's George C.
Marshall.’
‘I'd like to see his face at least once.
’
As Marshall was thinking this, a knock came at the door.
“Come in.”
The man entered and snapped to a crisp salute.
“Chief of Staff, sir!”
“Lieutenant Colonel Albert Wedemeyer.”
“Yes, sir!”
“From now on, you're a Colonel. Prepare yourself.
You're scheduled to be the Chief of Staff for the advance party of volunteer soldiers being dispatched to Europe.”
“It’s an honor!”
Wedemeyer was a graduate of the United States Military Academy who had also studied abroad in Nazi Germany, making him known as a Germany expert.
At the time he submitted his report on the advanced equipment and doctrine of the rearming Germany, the American political scene showed little interest in his military report.
But after World War II broke out and the high command was horrified by the might of the German Army as it swept across Europe, they naturally took notice of Wedemeyer, which led to him being given the role of Chief of Staff for this volunteer army.
Marshall glanced at the overjoyed Wedemeyer and asked.
“Any questions?”
“Yes, sir.
You said this is the advance party. Who is the commander?”
At Wedemeyer’s question, Marshall let out a deep sigh.
He had opposed it. Even for an advance party, he believed that man was absolutely not the right person for a role that required coordinating with the Allied Powers.
However, the man's recognition had soared due to the recent Trotsky incident, making him a symbol of anti-communism and granting him high popularity. The government, which had entered this war for purely political purposes, also wanted him.
“…Chief of Staff, sir?”
As Wedemeyer’s expression began to subtly shift, as if he too sensed something was off, loud footsteps approached from outside and the door burst open.
“Major General George S.
Patton, reporting!”
The man, who wore cavalry riding breeches under his military uniform as if to say he spat on regulations, shouted in a booming voice as he saluted.
As Wedemeyer's face contorted horribly, Marshall let out another sigh and opened his mouth.
“It's Lieutenant General now, Patton.”
“Ooooh! Where do I go, and whose bastards’ heads do I get to smash?”
As Patton’s voice boomed through the office, his eyes gleaming, the frowning Marshall let out what must have been his umpteenth sigh and opened his mouth.
“Europe. The commies you're so fond of.”
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