Chapter 83: We’re Not Talking About Freezing It, We’re Talking About Cutting It!

Ambassador Tony Goodwin, who understood Korean perfectly, could think of only one thing—they were in enormous trouble.

He knew all too well what American President Melvin Douglas started talking about whenever he opened his mouth. And if Chief of Staff Lee Jihun brought up that subject, Advisor Joel Graff would almost certainly lose his temper. If that happened, there was a high probability that the United States would fail to obtain the valuable intelligence regarding the American branches of the Chinese Triad.

While Ambassador Tony Goodwin desperately tried to figure out how to salvage the situation, Advisor Joel Graff turned toward him with a puzzled expression.

“Ambassador Tony Goodwin, what's wrong with you? Did something happen?”

However, Ambassador Tony Goodwin never had the chance to answer.

Chief of Staff Lee Jihun addressed the Advisor first.

“Advisor Joel Graff, I'll now state our second condition.”

“Please, I'm listening.”

“At present, President Melvin Douglas is actively waging a media campaign regarding the possible withdrawal of American troops from South Korea.”

“Chief of Staff Lee Jihun, surely you understand perfectly well why President Melvin Douglas launched that campaign.”

Advisor Joel Graff was referring to increasing South Korea's share of the joint defense costs and the expenses of stationing American forces.

“Of course I understand. Our country has accommodated the American government's requests by increasing our share of the defense burden every year. However, allocating five billion dollars for that purpose is simply beyond South Korea's national capacity. Since we're discussing the matter openly, let me also say that our country is, to a certain extent, prepared to accept the withdrawal of American troops.”

“What did you just say?!”

Those words came as a complete shock to Advisor Joel Graff.

“Instead of relying on American troops, our country will acquire its own nuclear weapons.”

“That is absolutely out of the question!”

Just as Chief of Staff Lee Jihun had expected, Advisor Joel Graff reacted with fierce opposition.

However, Lee Jihun held a powerful trump card, so he remained perfectly composed.

“Our country surpasses North Korea in conventional military strength, but we are overwhelmingly disadvantaged when it comes to the asymmetric threat posed by their nuclear arsenal. If American troops leave South Korea, the likelihood of North Korea invading us under the protection of its nuclear weapons will become extremely high. What do you think of that assessment?”

“I don't believe such an outcome can be considered impossible.”

“To deter North Korea's ambitions of conquering the South, we have only two options. Either we develop nuclear weapons ourselves, or American troops remain in our country to serve as both a human shield and a security guarantee. Yet President Melvin Douglas repeatedly pressures our country by threatening troop withdrawals.”

The obvious reply—Then increase your share of the defense costs!—rose to Advisor Joel Graff's lips, but through almost superhuman restraint, he managed to hold it back.

“I fully understand the difficult position the Korean government is in.”

“If you understand, then why do you oppose our country possessing nuclear weapons?”

The reason was the infamous domino effect.

The moment South Korea acquired nuclear weapons, Japan and Taiwan would immediately seek them as well. Moreover, other countries with sufficient economic and military strength would also attempt to build their own nuclear arsenals. And if that happened, American influence throughout those regions would rapidly diminish.

“Chief of Staff Lee Jihun, surely you understand that as well.”

“Public dissatisfaction in our country toward President Melvin Douglas's actions is currently enormous.”

“I'm well aware of that.”

“And I believe there are only two ways to restore relations between our countries to normal: either freeze our share of the defense costs, or allow us to develop our own nuclear weapons.”

It seemed to me that Chief of Staff Lee Jihun's proposal was far too moderate.

Just as I was about to voice my own opinion to Advisor Joel Graff, Clark Bongard spoke to me.

“Department Head Cha Jiham, it seems your opinion differs from Chief of Staff Lee Jihun's. Am I correct?”

“To be honest, I won't deny your observation.”

“Would you mind explaining exactly how your views differ?”

“American troops are stationed in our country to deter both North Korea and China. However, President Melvin Douglas and some of his advisors deliberately choose to ignore that fact.”

Clark Bongard glanced briefly at Advisor Joel Graff before looking back at me.

“And how exactly do American troops in South Korea deter China?”

“For example, if China were to launch a ballistic missile toward the continental United States, American units stationed in South Korea could detect it within ten seconds. If detection had to rely on Alaska instead, it would take roughly fifteen minutes.”

“But couldn't American forces stationed in Japan detect it as well?”

“By that point, the ballistic missile would already have passed through the dense layers of the atmosphere, making detection impossible.”

To verify my statement, Clark Bongard shifted his gaze toward FBI Director Glenn Nevers.

Glenn Nevers nodded in agreement.

“It appears Department Head Cha Jiham is correct. Please continue.”

“The costs of stationing American forces include both direct and indirect expenses. Indirect costs include land usage as well as various tax exemptions and tariff waivers. As far as I'm aware, those indirect costs exceed one billion dollars annually.”

“Department Head Cha Jiham is absolutely correct.”

To lend even greater weight to my words, Chief of Staff Lee Jihun added his own confirmation.

I inclined my head slightly in thanks before continuing.

“When those indirect costs are included, our share of the joint defense burden already exceeds two billion dollars every year. Taking that into account, the discussion should not be about freezing our contribution, but about substantially reducing it.”

“Hmm... That actually makes a great deal of sense.”

Clark Bongard nodded thoughtfully before turning to Advisor Joel Graff.

“What do you think of Department Head Cha Jiham's argument?”

“I admit there's logic in what he says. However, I'm not sure President Melvin Douglas would agree.”

To completely dispel Advisor Joel Graff's shortsighted concerns, I once again entered the conversation.

“It seems President Melvin Douglas is so focused on individual trees that he's failing to see the entire forest.”

“I'd like to hear why you think that.”

“I believe the American administration is stubbornly insisting on South Korea's defense payments solely to consolidate its voter base. Am I wrong?”

“Well... I can't deny that.”

“And what is the current attitude of the American public toward China?”

“As you already know, it's worse than at any point in history.”

“Exactly. And what is currently America's most serious domestic problem?”

“I would say... drugs...”

Advisor Joel Graff suddenly fell silent, as though something extremely important had finally clicked.

“If the American authorities use the intelligence we're providing to dismantle a major drug distribution network in one stroke, President Melvin Douglas's approval rating will soar.”

“Yes... that's certainly true.”

“And if that is followed by the complete destruction of the American branches of the Chinese Triad, whose headquarters are located directly in China, how do you think that would affect his political standing?”

Advisor Joel Graff instantly came to his senses.

One of the primary reasons President Melvin Douglas had come to power in the first place was his hardline stance against China. If they eliminated the Chinese Triad's American operations, they would gain the perfect justification to intensify pressure on China itself.

Not only would that further solidify support among their voters, but it would also provide an enormous advantage in the upcoming presidential election.

Yet he had stubbornly resisted accepting the Korean government's conditions without realizing such an obvious benefit.

“Department Head Cha Jiham, I admit I was shortsighted.”

“I sincerely hope President Melvin Douglas chooses to focus his efforts on China rather than on America's allies.”

“I will personally convey every one of your arguments to President Melvin Douglas.”

“I have nothing further to add. You may continue the discussion with Chief of Staff Lee Jihun.”

Having accomplished my objective, I handed the conversation back to Lee Jihun and stepped aside.

“Advisor Joel Graff, how much time will you need to consult with Washington?” Lee Jihun asked.

“It's the middle of the night in Washington right now, so calling President Melvin Douglas immediately wouldn't be appropriate.”

“Would it be convenient if we waited until this evening?”

“I would be °• N 𝑜 v 𝑒 l i g h t •° extremely grateful.”

“Very well. Since you appear to be quite busy, we'll take our leave.”

Advisor Joel Graff and his delegation accompanied Lee Jihun's party downstairs to the embassy entrance before returning to the reception room.

Realizing the moment had arrived, Clark Bongard began speaking bluntly to Advisor Graff.

“Advisor Joel Graff, why are you so weak-willed?”

“I'm not quite sure what you mean...”

“Tell me, was there a single flaw in Department Head Cha Jiham's reasoning?”

“...It doesn't appear so.”

“If even you agree with that, then how do you think President Melvin Douglas will react?”

“...”

Advisor Joel Graff had no answer.

Clark Bongard looked at him with obvious dissatisfaction for a moment before turning toward Glenn Nevers.

“And what do you think of Department Head Cha Jiham's opinion?”

“If we succeed in completely eliminating both the drug syndicates and the American branches of the Chinese Triad, the resulting economic benefits will easily exceed tens of billions of dollars. Compared to that, the cost of stationing troops in South Korea is insignificant—barely around a billion dollars. I believe we should obtain the Korean police's information even if it means agreeing to reduce South Korea's defense payments.”

“Advisor Joel Graff, did you hear what FBI Director Glenn Nevers just said?”

“...Yes, I did.”

Ignoring Graff's response, Clark Bongard turned toward Chairman Gomez.

“Well then, it's time for us to leave as well.”

“Where are we going?”

“We need to meet with Department Head Cha Jiham. We have something to discuss with him.”

***

At that very moment.

I was riding in the same car as Chief of Staff Lee Jihun and Commissioner General Choi Dongyeong.

“Chief of Staff Lee Jihun, where exactly are we headed?”

“We're going to brief the President on the outcome of today's negotiations with Advisor Joel Graff and FBI Director Glenn Nevers.”

“...Do I have to be there too?”

“You played the central role in those negotiations, Department Head Cha Jiham.”

“I understand.”

President Cho Seokchin stood at the very top of South Korea's government.

Any ordinary person would be extremely nervous at the prospect of meeting the nation's leader in person.

Yet, for some reason, Cha Jiham's expression remained completely calm.

Lee Jihun looked at him curiously.

“Department Head Cha Jiham, you don't seem nervous at all about meeting the President.”

Ever since I'd taken Popchin's herbal tranquilizer, the very concept of nervousness had practically disappeared from my life.

Unfortunately, I couldn't reveal the real reason.

“Oh, that's not true. My stomach muscles are so tense they're practically cramping.”

Bzzz... Bzzz...

At that moment, my phone vibrated.

Looking at the screen, I saw Clark Bongard's name.

I nodded apologetically toward Lee Jihun before answering.

“This is Cha Jiham.”

“Chairman Gomez would very much like to meet you, Department Head Cha Jiham. What would be most convenient?”

“I have an important meeting scheduled right now, so I'm not sure.”

“In that case, we could meet this afternoon instead. That's no problem.”

At that instant, an excellent idea came to mind.

“Clark Bongard, I'll call you back in a couple of minutes.”

Click.

After ending the call, I turned toward Lee Jihun.

“Since the opportunity has presented itself, why don't we introduce Clark Bongard and Chairman Gomez to the President in person?”

“That's actually an excellent idea.”

Lee Jihun immediately dialed a number.

It wasn't difficult to guess whom he was calling, since the very first word out of his mouth was, “Mr. President.”

After briefly discussing the situation with President Cho Seokchin, he ended the call.

“Department Head Cha Jiham, could you ask our American guests whether they'd be willing to have lunch with the President?”

“One moment.”

I immediately called Clark Bongard and relayed the invitation from the Korean side.

He gladly accepted.

Upon hearing that, Lee Jihun called President Cho Seokchin once more.

“Chief of Staff Lee Jihun, what did Clark Bongard say?”

“He said it would be a tremendous honor to meet you, Mr. President.”

“Haha, excellent.”

“Would it be possible to hold the luncheon at our secure residence?”

“Is that really necessary?”

A trace of doubt entered President Cho Seokchin's voice.

However, Lee Jihun wasn't the least bit worried.

He was completely confident he could persuade the President.

“Mr. President, an unspoken political struggle is currently taking place between President Melvin Douglas and Clark Bongard. If you meet him in a public location, it could create unnecessary suspicion and be misinterpreted in Washington.”

“Hmm... That does make sense. Give me a general idea of what you discussed with our American guests.”

“We covered a great many highly sensitive issues, so giving a detailed report over the phone wouldn't be appropriate.”

“Then at least tell me the most important point.”

“If fortune favors us, we may succeed in reducing the cost of stationing American troops in our country.”

“You're not talking about freezing the payments... you're talking about reducing them?!”

“Haha, exactly. I'll explain everything in detail once we arrive at the residence.”