Chapter 732 - 339: The British Response

It’s not just Germany and Russia that are facing difficult choices, but also the British, who are seemingly unrelated to this war.

As early as the day Austria-Hungary issued the ultimatum to Serbia, the British Government urgently convened a meeting to discuss the implications of this event for Britain and the stance Britain should take.

In the usual course of events, if Austria-Hungary’s ultimatum could trigger a major war with Russia, it would certainly be beneficial for the British.

The United Kingdom only needs to support Austria-Hungary from behind to simultaneously weaken the military strength of two major powers. Particularly important for the British is to weaken Russia’s military strength.

As long as Russia can be defeated, for at least the next 10 years, Russia will no longer have the capability to expand in East Asia and the Balkan Peninsula.

However, with Germany’s relatively tough stance, the British Government had to discuss what new changes might occur in European affairs.

Because the United Kingdom has always adhered to a regional balance policy, the British Government’s foreign stance has always been shifting. Whichever country becomes powerful, the United Kingdom will turn to support the weaker side.

If it were just a war between Austria-Hungary and Russia, the United Kingdom would naturally support the weaker Austria-Hungary, which doesn’t have much conflict with the United Kingdom.

But what if a powerful German Empire stood behind Austria-Hungary? With Russia having no allies, the British would rather watch Germany and Russia weaken each other in a fight.

Nonetheless, the conflict between Germany and Russia inevitably involves another major European power, France.

In the United Kingdom’s balance policy, Germany is a relatively important link. The rivalry between Germany and France is a crucial means for the United Kingdom to maintain the balance on the European Continent, which means Germany must not suffer too heavy losses in this war, or else France would regain the upper hand.

If France were to reclaim dominance in Europe, the threat posed by France to the United Kingdom would be greater than that from Russia. This is a problem the British have to consider: how to ensure that the end of this war does not affect the current European situation, which is a relatively challenging issue.

At the Prime Minister’s Residence on 10 Downing Street, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, was holding a private meeting with several important Cabinet Ministers.

The subject of the meeting was naturally the impact of this war on European affairs and the stance the United Kingdom should take during this war.

First, let’s talk about the current Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Robert Gascoyne-Cecil. He is a thorough conservative and a dedicated practitioner of the United Kingdom’s splendid isolation policy and regional balance policy.

During his tenure as Prime Minister, Britain has diminished its influence on the European Continent, steadfastly adhering to its policy of splendid isolation while implementing regional balance worldwide.

Thanks to his splendid isolation policy, the British Government has had ample energy to conquer colonies outside of Europe. During his tenure, Britain’s territorial expansion in its colonies has reached millions of square kilometers, equivalent to several British mainlands.

"Everyone, let’s discuss. Austria-Hungary has already declared war on Serbia. Based on the current reactions of Germany and Russia, these two countries are also likely to join this war.

If the situation develops this way, a small border conflict might ultimately lead to the participation of several great powers in this super war.

What stance should we take in this super war? Should we join one side, or should we continue to follow our isolationism?" Prime Minister Robert Gascoyne-Cecil glanced at the important Cabinet Ministers attending the meeting.

The British Secretary of State for War, William Henry Smith, was the first to stand up and unreservedly express his view: "Prime Minister, with your permission, I would like to present the views of the Ministry of the Army."

Seeing the Prime Minister nod, Minister William continued, "If both Germany and Russia successively join the war, its scale might reach historical heights.

Germany and Russia both have hundreds of thousands of regular troops and have the capability to mobilize millions of reserves to join the war.

But what about us? Our mainland army has only 130,000, with reserves of less than 500,000. For us, this is a war we can hardly interfere in; its outcome can only be decided by how much each country invests in the war."

What Minister William said is essentially an old issue for Britain: heavy investment in the Navy and less in the Army.

With the Royal Navy maintaining its position as the world’s foremost, the size of Britain’s army is the smallest among countries with great power status, with only just over a hundred thousand regular troops on the mainland.

Currently, the regular army of Britain is the smallest in the whole of Europe, and the only one smaller is across the ocean in the United States.

Although the United Kingdom has hundreds of thousands of colonial troops in its worldwide colonies, these colonial troops are evidently unsuitable for deployment in the Balkan Peninsula battlefield.

The combatants in the Balkan Peninsula include countries like Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia with relatively strong armies, making the use of colonial troops futile, resulting in them simply becoming cannon fodder that wouldn’t even stir a ripple.