Chapter 1547 - 55: Crucial Position (2)

Chapter 1547: Chapter 55: Crucial Position (2)

From the import situation of East Africa’s overseas oil, it can be seen that if one wants to block East Africa’s oil transportation routes, a country would have to simultaneously confine the East African Navy within the Indian Ocean and the South Atlantic off the coast of East Africa. However, it’s evident no country can achieve this.

The United Kingdom from the 1980s to the early 21st century could have had the ability to encircle and blockade East Africa on the African continent while the East African Navy was weak. But achieving this might require the full deployment of the Royal Navy. As for why it was after the 1980s, it’s because East Africa didn’t have a decent navy beforehand.

In fact, since the South African War, the United Kingdom has essentially lost the capability for a comprehensive blockade of East Africa. At that time, the East African Navy had already developed to a certain scale, and as the World Overlord, the UK couldn’t only focus on East Africa, allowing other countries to gain advantages.

This, to a certain extent, also demonstrates the decline of British hegemony. It’s not something that can be achieved by exerting all efforts to suppress East Africa, especially since, from the British perspective at that time, the threats from the United States, Germany, and even Russia were greater than those from East Africa.

Among these countries, suppressing one or even two didn’t have much effect for Britain, just like in the previous era, where the country truly suppressed by Britain was Germany, but ultimately, British hegemony was dismantled by the United States and the Soviet Union.

In this timeline, the situation for the British is even more challenging. With Ernst’s intervention, the British couldn’t even settle Germany, let alone dealing overseas with the United States and East Africa. At present, Russian industry hasn’t developed yet, otherwise it would be another country the British couldn’t settle.

In other words, Britain’s so-called World Overlord status can be seen as a "honorary title" in name only. However, given the current situation, the major powers in the world still have no intention of taking away Britain’s honorary title.

Of course, Germany had previously tried to do this but failed, whereas East Africa and the United States are much more stable than Germany.

After all, even if Britain’s fa?ade is lifted, none of the countries can seize the "World Overlord" throne; they would still continue to restrain each other, so it’s better to let Britain continue being a "nominal monarch."

However, Britain can’t stay as this nominal monarch for much longer, mainly because Britain itself lacks the capability, and the title of World Overlord represents responsibility as much as it represents power.

Currently, Britain’s power is diminishing due to the rise of other great powers and the national awakening in colonies and backward regions, unable to gain tangible benefits but having to bear the responsibility of a World Overlord.

Just like in ongoing conflicts in many countries and regions, where everyone chooses Britain as the mediator, this is evidently a situation that is laborious but thankless.

In the past, as the World Overlord with robust power, Britain was eager for constant conflicts outside its territory so it could profit from them. However, now, even with exhaustive efforts to mediate conflicts, it is difficult for Britain to reap significant benefits, and interventions by other great powers could lead to losses outweighing gains.

This means the title of World Overlord is shifting for Britain from benefit to burden. Of course, at the current stage, Britain’s benefits still outweigh the burdens, so Britain is still striving to maintain the old international system.

But this doesn’t mean Britain will cling to this outdated system. Although Britain was the creator and builder of this system, as time progresses, systems and institutions inevitably age.

Just as Britain transformed from the main promoter of global free trade last century into a steadfast adherent of "high tariff barriers."

This is akin to the United States moving from supporting globalization to "self-enclosure protection" in the previous era, where the biggest beneficiary under the original free trade system changed, which was unacceptable for the United States.

Likewise, under the international system constructed by Britain, as British industry declines, beneficiaries have become Germany, the United States, and East Africa. Naturally, Britain cannot accept this, but it is helpless.

Britain is even unable to achieve "self-enclosure protection," given its small native size, which is destined to lead to British overseas interests being gradually stripped by emerging great powers. The manifestation of this in the previous era was the complete disintegration and destruction of the old colonial order under the leadership of the United States and the Soviet Union.

Of course, these currently have nothing to do with East Africa, nor can East Africa overthrow Britain’s World Overlord status in the short term. After all, even if it did, East Africa itself couldn’t occupy that position.

Now, countries worldwide, especially emerging nations, are accumulating power so they can reap as much benefit as possible during the complete disintegration of the old international order.

For East Africa, this is represented by further enhancing the country’s industrial prowess, addressing shortcomings in other sectors, and continuously expanding its sphere of influence.

Undoubtedly, improving a country’s industrial strength is the most effective and stable method.

Therefore, Ernst said to Manfred and other high-ranking officials in North Lake Province: "The industry in the Great Lakes Region, to a certain extent, determines the lower limit of nationwide industrialization. After all, the population size in the Great Lakes Region can significantly influence various national per capita data."

"Among the surrounding areas of the entire Great Lakes Region, North Lake Province is one of the most promising provinces. Your energy advantages are not possessed by many other provinces."

"Nowadays, it’s no longer the First Industrial Revolution era, where coal and iron mines had a significant impact on industry; their influence has lessened to a certain extent. And what your province rightly lacks is coal resources."

"Therefore, your province must make good use of the three resources of hydropower, oil, and natural gas; especially the construction, development, and utilization of hydropower, which is not only environmentally friendly but also recyclable."

Although the Great Lakes Region also has rainy and dry seasons, due to its proximity to the Congo Basin and the Great Lake’s influence on the regional climate, the seasonal precipitation changes are not as pronounced as in other regions of East Africa. Furthermore, with various lakes acting as regulators, this further enhances the local hydropower utilization efficiency.

Simply put, building hydroelectric power stations in the Great Lakes Region can essentially achieve year-round continuous operation, which in turn makes the power supply more stable, providing favorable guarantees for local industrial and residential electricity use.

Ernst continued: "In addition to its own development, North Lake Province must also strengthen economic ties with surrounding areas, especially the northern provinces. If possible, in the future, North Lake Province’s economic reach should preferably extend into North African countries."

"Your province is an important pivot in the national regional coordinated development strategy, simultaneously holding an important land transportation pivot position connecting trade with North Africa and even Europe."

An important significance of establishing the North Lake Industrial Zone by the East African Government initially was to drive the development of northern regions in East Africa, and since North Lake Province is at the very north of the Great Lakes Region, its industrial development holds significant importance for national economic development in East Africa.

Furthermore, North Lake Province is also effectively the Northeast and Northwest land connection point, where several national mainline railways converge. For instance, exchanges between East African East Coast cities like Mombasa and Mogadishu and West Coast cities like Libreville (Gabon) and Douala (Cameroon) must pass through North Lake Province.

In the future, if East Africa engages in land trade with Egypt and other North African countries, North Lake Province will likewise be a crucial starting area. Although Nile River Province is more advantageously positioned, its industrial level is too weak, and its economic scale too small to fully take on the heavy task.

Of course, an even more important reason is that the natural conditions of the Nile River Basin are too poor, lacking conditions for large-scale development. Its sweltering climate alone is a significant limiting factor. It should be noted that the interior of the Nile River Basin is hotter than East Africa’s Coastal Plain Region. At least the coastal area can enjoy some breeze, but due to the closed geographical features of the Nile River Basin, the air circulation is very poor.